| The Life of Ken Saro-Wiwa
The Death of Ken Saro-Wiwa
After the Executions
You can download the full story of the
Life & Death of Ken Saro-Wiwa with full references here.
(PDF 175kb)
The account given here is based on a previous document
published by Project Underground.
The Ogoni have
been gradually ground to dust by the
combined effort of the multi-national oil company, Shell Petroleum
Development Company, the murderous ethnic majority in Nigeria and
the country’s military dictatorships.
Ken Saro-Wiwa - 1992
Shell started producing oil in the Delta in 1958.
In 1970 the first seeds of the current conflict were sown when Ogoni
Chiefs handed a petition to the local Military Governor complaining
about Shell, then operating a joint venture with BP. According to
the petition, the company was "seriously
threatening the well-being, and even the very lives"
of the Ogoni. That year there was a major blow-out at the Bomu oilfield
in Ogoni. It continued for three weeks, causing widespread pollution
and outrage.
By the eighties other communities were beginning
to protest. The Iko people wrote to Shell in 1980 demanding, "compensation
and restitution of our rights to clean air, water and a viable environment
where we can source for our means of livelihood."
In 1987, when the Iko once again held a peaceful
demonstration against Shell, the notorious Mobile Police Force (MPF),
locally known as “kill-and-go” was called. 40 houses
were destroyed and 350 people were made homeless by the MPF’s
attack.
In August 1990, the Ogoni elders signed the Ogoni
Bill of Rights, which called for "political
control of Ogoni affairs by Ogoni people, control and use of Ogoni
economic resources for Ogoni development, adequate and direct representation
as of right for Ogoni people in all Nigerian national institutions
and the right to protect the Ogoni environment and ecology from
further degradation". That year the Movement for the
Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), a non-violent action group,
was formed.
Community protests against Shell continued to spread
across the Delta. Next was the turn of the Etche at Umuechem. In
response to a peaceful demonstration, Shell specifically requested
the presence of the MPF, who subsequently massacred up to 80 people
and destroyed nearly 500 homes. The community submission to the
official inquiry into the disaster argued that Shell’s "drilling
operations have had serious adverse effects on the Umuechem people
who are predominantly farmers …Their farmlands are covered
by oil spillage/blow-out and rendered unsuitable for farming".
Anti-Shell protests spread to other communities including the Omudiogo,
Ogbia, Igbide, Izon, Irri, Uzure, and Ijaw.
By the early nineties, the Ogoni, led by Saro-Wiwa,
were beginning to seek international help for their plight. By now,
Saro-Wiwa was spending more and more of his time abroad, including
in the US and Europe, drumming up support for the Ogoni. In August
1991, exactly a year after first being signed, the Ogoni Bill of
Rights was amended to authorize MOSOP to make an appeal to the international
community for assistance, after they had received no reply from
the Nigerian military government.
In July 1992, Saro-Wiwa addressed the United Nations
Working Group on Indigenous Peoples in Geneva. "I
speak on behalf of the Ogoni people. You will forgive me if I am
somewhat emotional about this matter. I am Ogoni … Petroleum
was discovered in Ogoni in 1958 and since then an estimated 100
billion dollars worth of oil and gas has been carted away from Ogoniland.
In return for this the Ogoni people have received nothing."
As part of his evidence to the UN Working Group,
Saro-Wiwa submitted the Ogoni Bill of Rights and a new book he had
published called, Genocide in Nigeria: The Ogoni Tragedy.
In the book, Saro-Wiwa wrote about how he had watched helplessly
as the Ogoni had, "been gradually ground
to dust by the combined effort of the multi-national oil company,
Shell Petroleum Development Company, the murderous ethnic majority
in Nigeria and the country’s military dictatorships”.
He wrote of Shell’s double standards, comparing the standards
of its Nigerian operations to its European ones. Because of this,
and the affect oil was having on the Ogoni, he accused Shell of
genocide and racism.
By the Autumn of 1992 the Ogoni were gearing up
their campaign against the oil industry. In October Saro-Wiwa was
in London again. "It’s just going
to get worse, unless the international community intervenes",
he warned. The following month on 3 December, MOSOP presented its
demands to those oil companies operating in Ogoni, including Shell,
the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and Chevron.
The companies had to pay back-royalties and compensation within
30 days or quit Ogoniland.
But of course the oil companies did not quit. So
on 4th January 1993, some 300,000 Ogoni celebrated the Year of Indigenous
Peoples by peacefully protesting against Shell's activities and
the environmental destruction of Ogoniland. It remains the largest
demonstration against an oil company ever. "We
have woken up to find our lands devastated by agents of death called
oil companies. Our atmosphere has been totally polluted, our lands
degraded, our waters contaminated, our trees poisoned, so much so
that our flora and fauna have virtually disappeared",
said an Ogoni leader to the crowd. 4th January became known as Ogoni
Day.
Leaked minutes of meetings held by Shell the following
month indicate that the company was worried by the protests. The
minutes show that Shell departments in London and Nigeria were,
"to keep each other more closely informed to ensure that
movements of key players, what they say and to whom is more effectively
monitored to avoid unpleasant surprises and adversely affect the
reputation of the Group as a whole".
By April 1993 Saro-Wiwa had been arrested twice.
Willbros, a contractor working for Shell, called in government troops
in response to the demonstrations by the Ogoni. Eleven people were
injured when the security forces opened fire. One woman, Karalolo
Korgbara, later lost her arm. According to a letter from Willbros
to Shell "Fortunately there was a military
presence to control the situation". A month later, another
Ogoni was shot dead and a further twenty were injured. Shell later
admitted that “field allowances
and transportation” of an army unit were provided
by Willbros, but denied that this unit were involved in the shooting.
Amnesty International later issued an 'Urgent Action' request, concerned
about possible extra-judicial executions by the military against
Ogoni protestors.
Saro-Wiwa was repeatedly denied from travelling
abroad and in June he was arrested again and charged with six counts
of unlawful assembly and conspiring to publish a seditious pamphlet.
Soldiers were moved into Port Harcourt, in response to demonstrations
about the arrests. MOSOP reported indiscriminate beatings and arrests
. Saro-Wiwa’s health deteriorated in custody, resulting in
him being moved to hospital and suffering serious heart problems
during interrogation. He complained of "psychological
torture". Saro-Wiwa later published an account of his
detention in a book called A Month and a Day.
By now the Ogoni were suffering escalating violence,
ostensibly it was conflicts with neighbouring tribes, but much of
the violence was being orchestrated by the military. MOSOP blamed
the military for inciting the clashes and Shell for its complicity
in the violence.
Throughout the year the 'attacks by neighbouring
tribes' against the Ogoni continued. So did the violence against
protestors. In October 93, two Ogoni were wounded, and one killed
by soldiers, who had been transported by Shell, in the company's
words, to "dialogue" with
the community. These soldiers from the 2nd Amphibious Brigade, under
the control of the notorious Major Okuntimo, were paid 'field allowances'
by Shell, although Shell has expressed "doubt
as to whether any member of the community was shot or wounded."
Saro-Wiwa’s brother, Owens, who is a doctor, carried out the
autopsy . Harassment of other key Ogoni continued too. In December,
Owens Wiwa and senior MOSOP official, Ledum Mitee were arrested
and detained without charge until the 4th January.
When General Aback took over control of Nigeria
in the autumn of 1993, the situation worsened for MOSOP. Abacha
appointed the Rivers State Internal Security Task Force under Lt.Col
Komo and Major Okuntimo. In April, a memo was sent from Komo to
Okuntimo, entitled "Restoration of Law
and Order in Ogoniland" It gave details for an extensive
military presence in Ogoni, drawing resources from the army, air
force, navy, and police, including both the Mobile Police Force
and conventional units. In a move meant to facilitate the reopening
of oil installations, one of the missions of this operation was
to ensure that those "carrying out business
ventures ... within Ogoniland are not molested".
Saro-Wiwa, commenting on the memo above, said "This
is it - they are going to arrest us all and execute us. All for
Shell." The following month Okuntimo sent a "restricted"
memo back to Komo remarking that "Shell
operations still impossible unless ruthless military operations
are undertaken for smooth economic activities to commence".
To counter this, Okuntimo recommended: "Wasting
operations during MOSOP and other gatherings making constant military
presence justifiable."
The Death of Ken
Saro-Wiwa
You can download the full story of the
Life & Death of Ken Saro-Wiwa with full references here.
(PDF 175kb)
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